[Son Sung-jin Column] Political Reform Is More Urgent Than Prosecution Reform

Why is the parliamentary badge such an object of desperate desire? Of course, it is because it is a symbol of power, like an armband. Seoul Metropolitan Council member Kim Kyung has shown this clearly. Kim Kyung was in dire need of a powerful patron. His entire family is in business—a "business family." Seven family-run companies reportedly won service contracts worth hundreds of billions of won through private contracts with organizations under the Seoul Metropolitan Government that fall under the jurisdiction of the standing committee to which he belongs. If true, this is a textbook case of power-driven corruption. For his family, it likely would not have felt wasteful to offer not just 100 million won but even 1 billion won as a nomination bribe.
Whenever you dig into the background of a "power holder," you always find a string of corruption suspicions, like a sweet potato vine. MP Kim Byung-ki is no exception. Once you start looking into the nomination bribe, allegations of his spouse’s illicit use of a corporate credit card, attempts to influence investigations, his son’s transfer to a university, and preferential treatment in employment all surface one after another from beneath the waterline. It is the abuse of power he exercised under the privileges of the parliamentary badge. Had it not been for the nomination-related corruption, all of this would likely have remained buried. Yet Kim Byung-ki has been the one loudly championing fairness, integrity, and justice. For ordinary citizens who live diligently day by day, calling this hypocrisy would hardly be enough.
In the case of Minister of Planning and Budget nominee Lee Hye-hoon, the list of alleged misconduct is so long that there is not enough space to enumerate it all. Even three terms as a Member of Parliament (MP) were not enough to satisfy her; Lee Hye-hoon has not been able to let go of her ambition for a ministerial post. She is, quite literally, a "department store of misconduct," yet she seems to have no intention whatsoever of voluntarily withdrawing. The ministerial post is likely the final destination of her life. Having enjoyed the seat of power as an MP and amassed wealth through improper means, the position of a state minister must be all the more tempting as a way to fill the gaping void where honor should be.
Several decades ago, this level of power-driven political misconduct would not even have seemed particularly unusual. There was even a case where a president embezzled hundreds of billions of won. Over time, incomes have multiplied several times, and public consciousness has advanced. We thought the world had become steadily cleaner. But that is not the case. Only the surface appears cleaner; underneath, it is still rotten. They have been indulging and reveling in their own exclusive league. It was only the public that did not know and was deceived. For ordinary people who pay taxes down to the last won and pay fines for exceeding the speed limit by just a few kilometers per hour, the sense of futility is overwhelming.
There are several points we need to reflect on. The first is political reform, which at this moment no one is talking about. Political power in Korea has reached its peak. As politics’ domination over the judiciary and administration deepens beyond the bounds of checks and balances, the arrogance and excesses of political power will only worsen. An MP pressuring the police to quash an investigation is just a minor example.
Political reform must begin with curbing the privileges of MPs. There was a time when political reform was a major topic. They pretended to carry out self-reform, then stopped. Now they do not even bother to put on a show. That is how powerful politics has become. Politicians cast themselves as crusaders for justice and beguile the public with honeyed words. They leave no room for anyone to even raise the issue of political reform.
It is obvious that nomination bribes are not limited to the case of Kim Kyung. In proportional representation and other areas, buying nominations with money has long been an open secret, and it is highly unlikely that such practices have completely disappeared today. Do the ruling and opposition parties really have the right to criticize as if Kim Kyung were the only case? They themselves know the reality all too well. The root cause of nomination-bribe corruption lies in the monopoly over nomination rights held by the central party headquarters. Unless the nomination system and the single-member district system, which entrenches the two-party system, are reformed, it will be difficult to eradicate this practice of buying and selling public office.
Politicians tainted by misconduct must be prevented from ever setting foot in politics again. But the reality is quite different. Through the laundering process of amnesty and restoration of rights, they brazenly return to the political stage in triumph. At the very least, this should be the rule for those involved in financial or sexual misconduct. There is no shortage of shameless offenders who, after committing disgraceful crimes, act as if they are once again champions of justice. The system must be revised to create exceptions to amnesty and restoration of rights so that such individuals cannot return.
The next issue is the vacuum in the oversight of power. There must be an entity that monitors political corruption. Even if Prosecution Reform is carried out, there must remain an investigative body that pursues justice, yet that prospect is bleak. Just look at the current behavior of the police. They are quicker than the Prosecution Service to prostrate themselves before the highest powers. There is no point in stripping the Prosecution Service of its power only to hand it over to the police. The police will simply become a second Prosecution Service. What has the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO) actually done? Even if a Serious Crime Investigation Agency is newly established, there is little reason for hope. The key is independence, and as long as its affiliation remains under the Ministry of the Interior and Safety (MOIS), that independence cannot be guaranteed.
Kim Byung-ki, Lee Hye-hoon, and Kim Kyung are all politicians. The political establishment must keep that fact in mind. Both the ruling and opposition parties must first engage in self-reflection and apology before rushing to condemn. Misconduct similar to the cases of these three may well be lurking out of sight even now. Lee Hye-hoon served three terms as an MP in the current opposition camp without facing any meaningful sanctions. For the People Power Party, this is tantamount to spitting in its own face, a complete out-of-body experience. They seem to have conveniently forgotten this. Regardless of party affiliation, what the political class must do is commit itself to reflection and to the cause of reform.
tonio66@fnnews.com Reporter