[Nodong-il Column] The National Assembly of the Republic of Korea: The Epicenter of Division in Public Opinion

On June 10, President Lee Jae-myung promulgated the Three Special Prosecutor Acts during his second State Council meeting since taking office. These include the Special Counsel Act on Insurrection, the Special Prosecutor Act on Kim Keon-hee, and the Special Prosecutor Act on the Death of Private Chae. These laws signaled sweeping investigations targeting former President Yoon Suk Yeol, his wife, and former ruling party officials. The number of prosecutors dispatched to these three special counsels reached 120, six times the 20 assigned to the Special Prosecutor for the 2016 Government Corruption Scandal. It was clear that accusations of excessive investigation would arise. Politically, it is common to seek achievements early in an administration to secure future prospects. The appointments of Cho Eun-seok (Special Counsel Act on Insurrection), Min Joong-ki (Special Prosecutor Act on Kim Keon-hee), and Lee Myung-hyun (Special Prosecutor Act on the Death of Private Chae) only fueled such suspicions.
The Special Counsel Act on Insurrection was excessive from the outset. The outdated December 3 Martial Law should, of course, be subject to legal accountability. Investigating the truth behind the illegal martial law is meaningful. The problem lies in labeling the martial law as 'insurrection.' Investigations into whether Han Duck-soo, former Prime Minister, other Members of the State Council, and the military command were involved in the martial law are understandable. However, the act of requesting an arrest warrant for Choo Kyung-ho, former floor leader of the People Power Party, on charges of participating in insurrection is incomprehensible. The special prosecutor's claim that Choo, after a 2-minute and 5-second call with former President Yoon, conspired to obstruct lawmakers from voting to lift martial law is a far-fetched argument. This is a prime example of excessive investigation, seemingly in response to the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK)'s calls for the dissolution of the People Power Party. The search and seizure at Osan Air Base by the special counsel is another instance of overreach. This 'domestic-use' special counsel, willing to risk diplomatic friction, reveals its limitations. The raid by the Special Prosecutor Act on the Death of Private Chae on Young Hoon Lee, senior pastor of Yoido Full Gospel Church, and Billy Kim, chairman of Far East Broadcasting Company (FEBC), crossed the line by subjecting religious leaders, who were only witnesses, to compulsory investigation. The Special Prosecutor Act on Kim Keon-hee has also sparked controversy with its raid on the People Power Party’s membership list, allegations of coercive investigation leading to the suicide of a Yangpyeong County official, and suspicions of Min Joong-ki’s involvement in stock manipulation. Selective investigation targeting only opposition figures related to the Unification Church has also drawn criticism. Should the Crime of Legal Distortion, promoted by the DPK, be enacted, this would be the first case to be punished. The backlash from excessive investigations is also evident in the Unification Church controversy, which has produced more allegations against the ruling party than the opposition. This is reminiscent of the Special Prosecutor for the Druking Scandal, where Kim Kyoung-soo, former Governor of South Gyeongsang Province, was caught in the crossfire.
On the 15th, the special counsel on insurrection announced its investigation results. It concluded that martial law was intended to eliminate political opponents by force and monopolize power, and that the 'Kim Keon-hee judicial risk' also influenced the imposition of martial law. The special counsel claimed that former President Yoon Suk Yeol had been preparing to declare martial law since before October 2023. The investigation concluded with the indictment of 27 individuals, including Yoon. With the Special Prosecutor Act on the Death of Private Chae having wrapped up last month, and the Special Prosecutor Act on Kim Keon-hee set to conclude on the 28th, the so-called era of special prosecutors is coming to an end. Now, both the ruling and opposition parties must focus on stabilizing people's livelihoods. With the exchange rate and prices soaring daily and real estate instability affecting citizens' lives, it is time to compete in competence to solve these pressing issues. However, neither side appears ready to move beyond the special prosecutor era and return to normal politics. The DPK continues to push for a so-called 'comprehensive special prosecutor,' showing reluctance to let go of the special prosecutor era. They persist in intimidating the Judiciary under the guise of judicial reform, including the establishment of a Special Panel for Insurrection Cases, the creation of the Crime of Legal Distortion, and increasing the number of Justices of the Supreme Court. The Task Force (TF) to identify public officials involved in insurrection is also acting in concert with the special prosecutor era. The opposition is calling for a special prosecutor to investigate the special prosecutor regarding the Unification Church allegations.
For the ruling party, the results of the Special Counsel Act on Insurrection are likely the most pressing concern. Now that former President Yoon Suk Yeol and other key figures have been indicted, whether it was 'enlightened rule' or 'insurrection' should be left to the courts to decide. Focusing solely on the Special Panel for Insurrection Cases or the Crime of Legal Distortion raises suspicions that the DPK is presuming Yoon’s innocence on insurrection charges. Even if the courts find Yoon not guilty of insurrection, it is unlikely he will be released, as he will inevitably face heavy sentences for abuse of power and other charges. The ruling party can now focus on stabilizing people's livelihoods with peace of mind. The People Power Party should also move beyond the special prosecutor issue and take the lead in resolving livelihood problems, escaping the quagmire of martial law.
"The very source of division in public opinion and national conflict is the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea." This was stated by Lee Seok-yeon, chairperson of the Presidential Committee of National Cohesion, when he met Chung Cheong-rae, leader of the DPK, at the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea on the 11th. He added, "Politics is supposed to function as a 'satellite' operating along the orbit set by the Constitution, but when politics deviates from this orbit, it is no longer constitutional." While these remarks were made in reference to the unconstitutionality of the Special Panel for Insurrection Cases and the Crime of Legal Distortion, they are words everyone should heed, regardless of political affiliation. Once all three special prosecutor cases are concluded, it is hoped that both parties will pledge to make the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea a place of unity, compromise, and dialogue.
dinoh7869@fnnews.com Reporter